This paper considers the connections between body technologies and wellness. Residents of northwest Alaska suffer disproportionately from social and behavioural illnesses.
In Nome and Kotzebue, Inupiat and Yupiit women "Online dating bad for marriage macleans rv" traditional activities, such as processing food and making tools and crafts from local harvests, to family members in an effort to promote their well-being. At the same time, Alaska Native institutions organise subsistence activities as a means to generate healthy living among tribal members.
This paper seeks to understand why so many Nome and Kotzebue residents view traditional activities as a solution to locally perceived social ills such as substance abuse. Secondly, it describes
Online dating bad for marriage macleans rv contemplation and narratives that emerge within these spaces. Lastly, it explores the relationship between body practice and verbal expression, and how this relationship promotes wellness.
Analysing Inupiat and Yupiit traditional activities within the framework of technological process reveals how making traditional products also shapes healthy individuals.
Health and wellness are topics of concern in northwest Alaska. The region shares tragically high rates of suicide, homicide, and accidental death with other circumpolar communities Alaska Bureau of Vital Statistics ; Bioff ; Edwards ; Norbert et al. Most of the deaths are associated with heavy consumption of drugs and alcohol Foulks ; Wexler Social scientists and Indigenous leaders widely attribute Inuit health problems to destructive colonial pasts and rapid socio-economic changes Cassady ; Napoleon ; Nuttall ; Wenzel ; Wexler; Wexler and Goodwin The Alaska Native institutions charged with providing social services for tribal members within the regions—Maniilaq Association for the Northwest Arctic Borough and Kawerak, Inc.
These are just a few examples of the many programs offered throughout northwest Alaska that attempt to instil wellness via cultural affiliation. Why do residents draw on traditional activities to treat or prevent substance abuse and grief from tragedy?
How might cutting meat or weaving baskets encourage wellness? Anthropologists, among others, have studied the connection between cultural affiliation and wellness among circumpolar Inuit.
Their studies have explored health and its connections with Inuit explanations of social problems and their prevention Hensel et al. These studies have analysed Inuit health through cognitive and linguistic frameworks. To contribute to these studies, the present article will focus on routine skills that are used during traditional activities and on how local people conceive of the connection between such activities and wellness. It showcases one strategy used by Indigenous residents of northwest Alaska.
Without ignoring cognitive and linguistic domains and while using ethnography built up from my participation in such activities, the article considers how traditional activities promote social welfare. When understood broadly, technological process can shed light on wellness.
I argue that ways of thinking mirror body techniques—the rhythmic physical aspects of tasks, developed in traditional activities. The ethnographic descriptions come from my doctoral research and are based on my participation in two collective efforts.
First, I took part in processing of ugruk bearded seal into black meat in Kotzebue over four weeks in Second, I attended a coiled grass basket class in Nome once a week for three months in the winter of These experiences were followed up by interviews with the women participants during subsequent visits to the region in and As regional centres, both cities share similarities. Each is the location from which Alaska Native institutions wage health campaigns for the communities they represent.
Maniilaq in Kotzebue serves 12 communities around Kotzebue Sound and its river drainage basins. Even as economic and transportation regional centres, Nome and Kotzebue have an integrated economy. They endeavour to fill their freezers with local foods and their qanitchaq entryway with processed materials, which will be crafted into tools, garments, and commodities at a later time. All of these efforts—harvesting, processing and making of food and goods, and selling of commodities—form part of the subsistence way of life, which is spiritually, economically, and politically central to the lives of Alaska Native people Hensel ; Lee ; Thornton For subsistence production, enjoyment, and well-being, women in northwest Alaska join forces in groups to process foods from local harvests and to craft tools and commodities from their by-products.
While living in Nome and Kotzebue, I often participated in these collective efforts. In JulyI took part in butchering seal with a companion and her crew. We spent long hours cutting large pieces of meat into chunks, slicing them into thin strips, removing the blubber from the meat, and hanging the strips on drying poles.
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Family and friends stopped in to visit and to share news, but most of our work occurred in comfortable silence. Our bodies moved to particular rhythms guided by the task at hand, our implements, and the available workspace, thus creating a reflective working environment. Knowing my friend had only recently returned to Kotzebue after "Online dating bad for marriage macleans rv" long absence and that it was her first time putting up seal meat, I asked her why she had taken up the chore.
Over the course of my 15 months of fieldwork in northwest Alaska, I was struck by how often people engaged in or encouraged their family to partake in subsistence or traditional activities as a strategy to promote social welfare. Bearded seal hunting takes place in Kotzebue Sound at the end of June and beginning of July.
By then, the three converging rivers, Noatak, Kobuk, and Selawik, have opened up enough leads within the ice of Hotham Inlet, the body of water that parallels the Baldwin Peninsula on which the town of Kotzebue lies, so that boats may carefully navigate. The west beach in Kotzebue stretches roughly one mile. Its location is ideally suited for processing seal and fish; it has both fresh water and prevailing winds, which fend off bugs and dry meat before rotting sets in.
For these reasons, Inupiat families from all over northwest Alaska have for centuries processed ugruk along these shores. In I
Online dating bad for marriage macleans rv two sisters-in-law and their older friend originally from Selawik at their west beach camp. It was the first time the sisters processed ugruk into the cherished black meat that distinguishes any Inupiaq meal and community potluck but whose preparation requires considerable time and effort.
Meat is separated from blubber, cut into strips, and dried. Separately, the blubber is rendered into oil with time and a daily stir. Once each process is complete, the meat and oil are reunited in glass jars for the freezer Figures 1 and 2. For the several weeks of ugruk season, the group of women I worked with quickly slipped into a routine.
Like the dozen other families at west beach, they rushed down to their camp after a day of wage employment. Hunters delivered seals to the campsite. Children from various families played along the shoreline while women butchered meat on the high beach.
On two makeshift plywood tables, we slit the chunks of seal meat into long thin strips with ulus and carried the strips to a wooden rack with suspended horizontal poles to hang the strips to dry Figures 3 and 4. Back and forth between the tables and rack, we cut and carried meat. We also removed blubber from the hide. The hide was nailed to the wood and we took turns wedging our ulus between the skin and the blubber, trying to smooth out the jagged cuts that displayed our novice status.
We then sliced the blubber into small chunks on the table and put them into five gallon buckets to render. The buckets were covered with cloth and either stored in a wall tent or kept in the shade under scraps of wood.
At some point during the four weeks of ugruk processing, the crew fell into a "Online dating bad for marriage macleans rv" of work. With time, we choreographed our movements with each other
Online dating bad for marriage macleans rv avoid collision or a crowded table. From a slab of meat one woman sliced, while another woman grabbed strips she had recently cut and walked to the rack. Date. Report.  1 SCR...
At the same time a third woman returned from the rack, while the fourth woman picked up her ulu to begin the cycle of movement again or added a fifth and more unusual stroke by pausing to sharpen her ulu. With experience, we honed our techniques for smoother production.
Bound by surfaces for cutting and hanging, the space was fluid and open so that we rarely were in direct face-to-face contact.
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Within this space of movement and body technique, the four of us worked quietly, absorbed by our task and thoughts, both of which seemed to follow the pace of our bodies. Filling cans with pieces of dried black meat. Slicing partially rendered blubber and filling cans with oil. Black meat strips hang to dry. Because the weather is cold and the sunlight limited, people spend more time indoors. These products are then given to relatives as gifts or sold at holiday bazaars.
One venue in Nome was the local senior centre.
While all sorts of art and craft activities took place throughout the week, Thursday night was reserved for the basketry class. For three months, depending on the weather, I went to the centre and learned to coil grass baskets with seven other women.
In Alaska, it is mainly Yupiit women who
Online dating bad for marriage macleans rv and dry beach grass Elymus mollis to make coiled baskets, and mostly to sell as ethnic tourist art Figure 5 Lee Coiled baskets are started at the base of the basket and spiral out as the maker sews interlocking stitches with a grass threaded needle.
The stitches loop around the foundation of bunched grass, and are sewn through the previous row so that the top row attaches to the previous one.
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In this way coiling imitates sewing. The baskets are often decorated with dyed grass
Online dating bad for marriage macleans rv sea mammal intestine. Those of us interested in learning joined the instructor in the craft area at the senior centre. A cardboard box on one table held extra needles, a water spray bottle, and long straight dried grass Figure 6.
The smell of the grass pervaded the room and reminded me of how it had been gathered. Earlier in September, I had accompanied the basketry instructor to Cape Nome where she picked both grass and blackberries. After many more harvesting trips our instructor collected and dried enough grass for the whole class. It was this grass that the basketry students were now using. Casually, women strolled in,
Online dating bad for marriage macleans rv out their projects and some loose grass, then sprayed the grass with water and wrapped it in a moist towel to keep it pliable.
This was our cue to adjust our chairs next to hers, to watch her hands, and to attune our body movements to her sewing beat. She held the basketry start between her pinkie and ring finger and the palm of her left hand.
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With the same hand, she pinched the foundation of bunched grass extending from the basketry start with her thumb and pointer finger. With her right hand, she stuck the grass-threaded needle into the lower row and looped the thread over the foundation. She then pulled it tight, the foundation fastened to the preceding row, and the taut thread now had a silky sheen, emerging flat and straight.
These faultless stitches were examples for us to emulate. Coiled baskets made by Alice Irrigoo, originally from Stebbins. Before returning our baskets to each of us, our instructor realigned our rows and consequently our rhythm. Bad news was similarly shared in sparse verbal
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This paper considers the connections between body technologies and wellness. Residents of northwest Alaska suffer disproportionately from social and behavioural illnesses. In Nome and Kotzebue, Inupiat and Yupiit women prescribe traditional activities, such as processing food and making tools and crafts from local harvests, to family members in an effort to promote their well-being.
At the same time, Alaska Native institutions organise subsistence activities as a means to generate healthy living among tribal members. This paper seeks to understand why so many Nome and Kotzebue residents view traditional activities as a solution to locally perceived social ills such as substance abuse. Secondly, it describes the contemplation and narratives that emerge within these spaces. Lastly, it explores the relationship between body practice and verbal expression, and how this relationship promotes wellness.
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